Is that this Mandal 2.0? – Frontline

October 20, 2023 admin

By indicating the next proportion of Different Backward Castes (OBC), at 63 per cent in contrast with the 55 per cent that has been speculated for a very long time, the Bihar caste survey has given the opposition events, particularly the Janata Dal (United), or JD(U), and its coalition companion the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), a robust case to demand an all-India caste census. In actual fact, all of the events of the INDIA bloc have broadly supported such a transfer. There’s a perception that we could also be heading for a Mandal 2.0 second, which may have a noticeable influence on the Meeting elections in 2023 and the Lok Sabha election in 2024.

Article 340 of the Structure permits the President to nominate a fee to research the situations of socially and educationally backward courses. Exercising this energy, the President appointed the Second Backward Lessons Fee in 1978. B.P. Mandal was the Chair of this fee, whose different members had been Dewan Mohan Lal, R.R. Bhole, Dina Bandhu Sahu (changed by L.R. Naik), and Okay. Subramaniam. The fee was to actively think about the potential for reservation in public service posts if it was discovered that the backward courses weren’t adequately represented.

The First Backward Lessons Fee was appointed in 1953; chaired by Kaka Kalelkar, it submitted its report in 1955. The report discovered 4 standards to establish socially and educationally backward courses: low social place within the conventional caste hierarchy of Hindu society; lack of common academic development amongst a significant part of a caste or neighborhood; insufficient or no illustration in authorities service; and insufficient illustration in commerce, commerce, and trade.

Accordingly, the fee ready a listing of two,399 backward castes or communities and urged a variety of actions for his or her upliftment. Essentially the most related of those are caste-wise enumeration of the inhabitants within the 1961 Census; relating the social backwardness of a category to its low place within the Hindu hierarchy; treating ladies basically as a “backward class”; and reservation of 70 per cent seats in technical {and professional} establishments for certified college students from backward courses.

Additionally Learn | Bihar caste survey outcomes problem BJP’s Hindutva unity narrative

The second of those factors was probably the most contentious, with even the Chairman disagreeing. The federal government tried to work round it and discover a completely different criterion to categorise backward courses, however all makes an attempt proved too summary or unwieldy. On account of the dearth of unanimity, the Centre didn’t implement the Kalelkar report. It recorded its views in a memorandum, which additionally said that the Planning Fee would take backward courses under consideration in formulating its plans. On August 14, 1961, the Ministry of Dwelling Affairs asserted that backward courses had been finest recognized by financial assessments and left it to State governments to find out their very own standards for backwardness.

The Mandal Fee submitted its report in 1980. In the course of the fee’s time period, the Janata Celebration authorities, which had sanctioned its functioning, went out of energy, however the Indira Gandhi authorities prolonged its tenure 3 times.

“The Mandal Fee famous that OBCs constituted round 52 per cent of the inhabitants, whereas holding solely 12.5 per cent of Central authorities jobs.”

Based mostly on a sequence of surveys and discipline visits, the Mandal Fee arrived on the following findings: socio-educational backwardness and poverty are a direct consequence of caste-based handicaps; OBCs represent round 52 per cent of the inhabitants, whereas holding solely 12.5 per cent of Central authorities jobs; and given the Supreme Court docket’s interpretation of Articles 15(4) and 16(4), in response to which the overall proportion of reservation must be beneath 50 per cent (despite the fact that the inhabitants of OBCs was above 50 per cent), the Mandal Fee advisable a reservation of 27 per cent for OBCs in Union authorities companies, in each Central and State public sector undertakings, state-funded academic establishments, and so forth.

The Indira Gandhi authorities and the next Rajiv Gandhi authorities saved the report on maintain. When the Janata Dal’s V.P. Singh got here to energy in 1989, as a part of the Nationwide Entrance, his authorities accepted the fee’s suggestions and declared that 27 per cent of all vacancies in Central authorities jobs can be reserved for folks from the socially and educationally backward courses.

Arguments towards Mandal

In a debate within the Lok Sabha, Rajiv Gandhi argued strongly towards the way in which wherein the Nationwide Entrance authorities had applied the suggestions. His argument was that reservation was not sufficient to uplift the socially and educationally challenged courses and that modifications had been wanted within the current academic and financial techniques. His second argument was that extending reservation like this could solely serve those that had been already in positions of privilege. Third, he argued that the restrictions of the Kalelkar Fee (particularly the dearth of an goal standards to find out these courses) prolonged to the Mandal Fee as properly.

He said: “… three essential sociologists had been concerned with the Mandal Fee, Prof. B.Okay. Roy Burman, Prof. Srinivas, and Prof. Jogendra Singh…. However studying the newspapers not too long ago, I discovered that they’ve declined the honour they usually have clearly stated that they had been denied any actual alternative to take part within the findings…. The duty of this staff was solely to attract up a plan of research—to not do the research solely however to attract up a plan of research. They didn’t do the research. This group was by no means consulted once more. Then, the Srinivas Panel did meet just for 5 days. So, the analysis staff met for 3 days, the Srinivas Panel met for 5 days.” (Proceedings of the Lok Sabha, September 6, 1990).

Rajiv Gandhi additional identified methodological faults with the survey, arguing that the pattern measurement was too small. As a result of the report said that most individuals showing earlier than the fee belonged to the OBCs, he argued that the knowledge was not unbiased. Lastly, he argued that making caste the unique standards for backwardness was towards three Supreme Court docket judgments and apparently towards the view of the fee itself (which, in response to Rajiv Gandhi, stated that caste can’t be the one issue).

Regardless of Rajiv Gandhi’s objections, the report was applied and offered OBCs 27 per cent reservation in Central authorities jobs and academic establishments. It has since been in place; every now and then, although, there have been calls for from varied castes in numerous States, reminiscent of Jats in Haryana, Marathas in Maharashtra, and Patels in Gujarat, demanding inclusion within the OBC record so as to avail the advantages of reservation.

Highlights

The discharge of Bihar’s latest caste survey, which reveals the next proportion of Different Backward Castes (OBC) at 63 p.c in comparison with long-held speculations of 55% , has rekindled the demand for an all-India caste census.
This improvement has offered opposition events, significantly the Janata Dal (United) and the Rashtriya Janata Dal, a robust case to push for this census, with potential implications for the 2023 Meeting elections and the 2024 Lok Sabha election.
Because the nation revisits the legacy of the Mandal Fee, the political panorama appears poised for vital modifications, with the BJP, which has been profitable in courting OBC voters, going through a shifting terrain.

Maratha reservation

When the Maharashtra authorities prolonged reservation to the Marathas, it was struck down by the Supreme Court docket in 2021 on the grounds that it took the reservation within the State past the 50 per cent restrict. Apart from, the 102nd Modification took away the facility of States to establish backward courses, with solely the President having the facility to inform any record that identifies backward courses and Parliament having the facility to amend it. The 102nd Modification was upheld, and it gave constitutional standing to the Nationwide Fee for Backward Lessons (NCBC).

This was reversed by the 127th Modification that said that solely the President may notify backward courses for the needs of the Central authorities, thereby enabling States and Union Territories to arrange their very own lists of backward courses.

Members of the Maratha neighborhood on a march in Mumbai on August 9. Reservation for Marathas was struck down by the Supreme Court docket in 2021.
| Picture Credit score:
Poonam Shinde

In a parallel improvement, the 103rd Modification offered a ten per cent quota for economically weaker sections (EWS) from the final class (dominant caste Hindus and non secular minorities). This was executed by altering Articles 15 and 16 of the Structure and including a clause that prolonged the powers of States to make reservation for folks from the EWS classes. The EWS had been purported to be “… notified by the state every now and then on the premise of household revenue and different indicators of financial drawback”.

Extending a ten per cent quota for economically weaker sections took reservation past the Supreme Court docket ceiling of fifty per cent, and this was challenged within the Supreme Court docket. In 2022, a Supreme Court docket Structure Bench dominated that the modification was according to the Fundamental Construction (3-2 cut up; the Chief Justice of India was in dissent).

Relevance of the 127th Modification

The 127th modification turns into related in mild of the caste survey performed and launched by the Bihar authorities. It was one in all Nitish Kumar’s and the JD(U)’s essential political planks since 2019, and it was primarily based on the truth that the 127th Modification re-empowered State governments to create lists of backward castes. Arguing that it wanted info to make such lists, the Bihar authorities launched into a caste survey. In actual fact, the Kalelkar Fee had additionally advisable caste-based enumeration within the 1961 Census.

The Bihar survey was challenged within the Supreme Court docket twice, first in January 2023 when the petitioners filed a PIL petition arguing that solely the Centre had the facility to undertake a census. The Supreme Court docket dismissed it, calling it a “publicity curiosity litigation”. The second set of petitions are presently sub judice, however the court docket has refused to remain the discharge of the census information. The court docket stated it couldn’t cease the federal government from taking coverage choices, together with any that proceeded from this survey.

The survey’s outcomes present that Extraordinarily Backward Lessons (EBCs) type 36 per cent of Bihar’s inhabitants, adopted by Different Backward Lessons at 27.13 per cent, which makes up a complete of 63.13 per cent. This paves the way in which for Bihar to introduce extra reservation, extra so because the 50 per cent restrict has already been eroded by the 103rd Modification. This might assist the JD(U) and the RJD make additional features amongst OBC voters, which can damage the BJP, which has transformed to its aspect probably the most variety of OBC voters throughout north India.

“Information from the Lokniti-CSDS surveys level to the BJP’s large dependence upon the OBC help base to emerge as a dominant political pressure.”

Information from the Lokniti-CSDS surveys level to the BJP’s large dependence upon the OBC help base to emerge as a dominant political pressure. This isn’t stunning given the scale of the OBC inhabitants in lots of States. The celebration has labored onerous, giving OBC leaders illustration on celebration platforms in addition to proposing them as candidates for elections, particularly these from the decrease OBC castes.

The Mesram Raj Gond Adivasis stroll to the Godavari river to gather holy water for the well-known Nagoba jatara on January 22, 2019. The BJP virtually doubled its help base from 2009 to 2019 largely as a result of it made inroads amongst Dalit, Adivasi, and OBC voters.
| Picture Credit score:
S. HARPAL SINGH

This vote base is essential for the BJP if the celebration hopes to stay a dominant political pressure. Whereas a decline in OBC help won’t outcome within the BJP dropping badly, it should definitely not have the ability to preserve the dominance it has right this moment.

BJP on the again foot

The caste survey has thus put the BJP on a slight again foot since regional events are anticipated to play politics round these numbers and press for an all-India survey. This might give regional events some consideration from voters and could possibly be a matter of concern for the BJP.

Between 2009 and 2019, the BJP virtually doubled its help base. Within the 2009 Lok Sabha election, the BJP polled 18.6 per cent of the votes, which climbed to 37.6 per cent in 2019, largely as a result of it managed to garner help amongst Dalits, Adivasis, and the OBCs, moreover retaining its core base among the many dominant castes. Extra importantly, the BJP managed to strategically entice the numerically bigger decrease castes among the many OBCs. This enlargement has been at the price of each the Congress and the regional events, particularly in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.

Between 1996 and 2009, OBC votes had been roughly equally divided between the Congress and the BJP. The dominant regional events used to get a bigger share of OBC votes, as they had been the core help base of events just like the RJD, the JD(U), and the Rashtriya Lok Samta Celebration in Bihar and the Samajwadi Celebration in Uttar Pradesh. However the 2014 Lok Sabha election noticed a shift in OBC voters in the direction of the BJP, a pattern that continued and even accelerated within the 2019 election. Findings from the Lokniti-CSDS survey point out that 44 per cent of OBCs voted for the BJP in 2019, up from 34 per cent in 2014.

The numbers additionally point out that the BJP obtained 40 per cent of the votes from the higher OBCs, however 50 per cent votes from the decrease OBCs. That is true of the Congress as properly, which will get marginally extra help from the decrease OBCs in contrast with the higher OBCs. That is largely as a result of the higher OBCs are extra sharply polarised in favour of regional events.

Additionally Learn | Bihar’s caste survey can spark a brand new political consciousness

These Lokniti-CSDS findings prolong to Bihar as properly, the place the BJP alliance obtained 75 per cent of the votes from among the many decrease OBCs (known as EBCs in Bihar) and 42 per cent from the higher OBCs. Though the RJD and the JD(U) get votes from all of the OBC communities, they’re extra fashionable, comparatively talking, among the many higher OBCs than among the many decrease OBCs. It will be important, nevertheless, to do not forget that the BJP can be making an attempt onerous to ship out a message that it cares for the OBCs greater than the regional events do. The celebration was fast to quote the variety of OBC MPs it has in Parliament, throughout State Assemblies, and as Cupboard Ministers. The BJP desires to convey the message that it has given sizeable illustration to the OBCs and has not ignored them.

Additionally, to counter the opposition’s demand for illustration in proportion to inhabitants, Prime Minister Narendra Modi in a latest rally tried to construct a counternarrative that it was the poor who’re numerically giant in India and it’s they who want illustration. Equally, one can’t overlook that by championing the reason for one caste or group of castes, one may ignore different castes, leading to countermobilisation.

There’s a risk of the caste census gaining some momentum within the coming months, however one doubts this will probably be Mandal 2.0. Voting patterns point out that the OBCs are divided between decrease OBCs and higher OBCs, which makes their electoral influence much less efficient. The 2024 election continues to be a couple of months away and new points would possibly floor that push the difficulty of caste to the again burner once more.

Sanjay Kumar is a Professor on the Centre for the Research of Growing Societies (CSDS).

Aadyot Prakash is a pupil at St. Stephens School, College of Delhi, and a researcher with Lokniti, a CSDS programme. The views expressed listed here are private.